THE POLITICS OF CLIMATE CHANGE: THE CASE OF COP15 by SABUTEY K. VICTUS
“After
intense wrangling, delegates passed a motion simply taking note of the
deal without formally adopting it”
(This
was how the daily Graphic in Ghana
captured it in its Monday, December, 21st,
2009 publication. Pg. 2.)
So says
the old adage ‘Events to come cast early shadows’.
Sometimes, things are more transparent without the need for evidential
proof. Climate change represents perhaps the greatest political challenge
the world has faced in recent times: It is a universal
problem that requires an intercontinental solution, which in turn needs
to be supported and executed by not less than 193 countries to avoid
its devastating effects on both human and animal spices. The costs and
benefits of extenuating greenhouse gas emissions are unevenly distributed
around the globe with some regions projected to benefit
from rise in temperatures while many others will lose.
Crafting a global consensus and a true political will to act is extremely
complex and will require unflinching leadership from governments around
the world.
The key
decisions on the successor regime to the Kyoto Protocol and associated
commitments, which expire in 2012,
have been greeted with somewhat cemetery stability
at the meeting of the Conference of Parties (COP 15) in Copenhagen in
December 2009. This make-or-break event
though focused on financing, technology development and transfer, as
well as technical support required for climate change mitigation and
adaptation. And in particular, devising effective mechanisms
to support poor and most vulnerable countries in adapting to climate
change never realized a realistic outcome at the end of the day. Why?
The various positions adopted could only be understood and identified
through the lenses of the said parties to the deal.
To explore
the internal universe of these underlying cementing political
factors to the various positions and decisions reached which resulted
in an accord that lack specific targets for reducing carbon emission,
we unearth the various positions reached by parties to the deal.
To begin
with, the United Nations General Secretary Ban Ki-moon welcomed the
United States of America backed climate change deal in Copenhagen as
an ‘essential beginning’ but noted the accord reached with
China and Brazil must be made legally binding next year (2010).
Notwithstanding,
the tenets of this accord encapsulates a recognition to limit temperature
rise to less than 2C, $30 billion
aid for developing nations over the next 3years and an outlined goal
to providing $100 billion a year to help poor countries cope with the
vast devastating effects of climate change.
Ghana
is a beneficiary to this mouth watering
‘donations’.
A second
thought has to do with what will happen to developing
countries (including Ghana) if one day developed countries pick-up a
phone and call all of them with the message
‘we cannot fulfill our promises anymore, find your own funding mechanisms’?
US president
Barack Obama described the negotiations as
‘extremely difficult and complex’ but was quick to add they had
laid down ‘the foundation for international actions in the years to
come’. My theoretical understanding of
the politics displayed here may explain
a microcosm of the reasons why US never signs treaties
that legally bind them to fulfill a part of an agreement if not originating
from them. COP15 accord was based on a proposal tabled by a US led group
of five nations-including China, India, Brazil and South Africa. The
case of the Kyoto Protocol is another
living testimony. The US has always
justified its non signatory approach
to treaties on the grounds of its ability to
reducing their hard-won civil sovereignty and a shift of power from
the ‘well-to-do’ to the ‘down trodden(s)’.
Several
South American countries present such as Nicaragua,
Venezuela, Cuba, Ecuador and Bolivia etc believed the agreement arrived
at was not accomplished through any proper process.
Before
the proposals were tabled at the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change, most African countries and other developing countries,
walked out of the negotiating table due to stalled agreements over the
tenets of the proposal. But African Union backed the deal though some
members denounced it.
According
to the Monday, December 21st, 2009 page 2.
Of the Daily Graphic publication, several descriptions have been given
to the said agreement; Lumumba Stanislaus Di-Aping, the Sudanese negotiator
said the deal spelled “incineration” for Africa and compared it
to the Nazis sending 6 million people to
furnaces in the Holocaust; Venezuelan delegate Claudia Salerno Caldera
described it as “coup d’état against the authority of the United
Nations; and environmental campaigners and aid organizations branded
it as toothless and a failure. Surely, COP15
situation presented almost a textbook case of deteriorating
insensitivity by some of our leaders to the plights of ordinary citizens
who put them in office, a talk shop, waste of scarce money in the
midst of a global recession, a crime against humanity, a laughing stock
and the outcome (proposal) ‘an article of no use’.
Indeed,
‘bad sores need bad medicines’.
The main responsibility for lowering global greenhouse gas emissions
rests with the developed countries that have caused the problem in the
first place. ‘Not until a crab enters hot water, it is not aware of
its second colour’ Ultimately, if the 2°C climate stabilization
aim is to be achieved, all Parties will eventually have to commit to
long term emissions ceilings within the principles of
universal but separated responsibilities.
Consequently least developed and other risked countries in Africa
requires the full support of their G77 partners to
guarantee that their special needs are
ameliorated as part of the group. African
right to be heard need to be clearly articulated and
expressed if climate change talks in Mexico next year
is to unobjectionably addressed the needs of LDCs in terms of financing,
technology transfer and technical support required to adapt to climate
change. PROGS. MANAGER-iDettghana
PROGS. COORDINATOR-YAFID
+233 249 114 324, vsabutey@yahoo.com
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